Trump as Reagan Mark 2 ? It's a different time, and very different circumstances .....
Trump as Reagan Mark
2 ? It's a different time, and very different circumstances .....
ref :- "Trump
takes the reins without the benefit of Reagan's timing" , John Plender in
the Financial Times, Markets and Investing
Donald Trump's prospective economic
policies have invited comparison with those of Ronald Reagan ever since those
detailed to analyse such things realised somewhat belatedly that a Trump win
was a genuine possibility. Of course, for many of them that didn't happen until
victory was already in the bag, but still .....
Not everybody is happy with such
comparisons. Reagan may have split opinion among his contemporaries but the
passing of time colours people's memories and history tends to treat him very
fondly for the most part. The Donald, on the other hand, is just at the start
of what promises to be a rollercoaster ride of a presidency and he cuts a
divisive figure, to say the least. But undeniably the incoming President's
policies will have a good deal in common with Reaganomics, even if we don't yet
know many of the important details.
Along with the likes of Britain's Margaret
Thatcher, Mr Reagan was known as a champion of the free market (largely due to
his own, slightly misleading rhetoric) but the fact is that he espoused
protectionist policies in much the same way as Mr Trump is likely to, raising
tariffs and import quotas to protect domestic producers. He was also an
enthusiastic cutter of headline taxes ...... ring any bells ?
That kind of loose fiscal policy coincided
with rising interest rates as that hawkish Chairman of the US Federal Reserve
Paul Volcker showed his determination to defeat inflation, then considered an
economic evil of the first order. The result was a strong dollar that
ultimately soared to unsustainably overvalued levels.
Whether you believe that the current
dollar strength will continue or not (and it doesn't look as clear-cut now as
it did then), the comparisons between the two eras are obvious : Mr Trump is
proposing loose fiscal policy (tax-cutting and infrastructure spending) at a
time when interest rates are heading higher, resulting in a strong currency.
Where the analogy falls down however is an examination of the very different
circumstances facing the two Presidents upon inauguration.
In 1981 Reagan took over an economy in a
recession caused largely by the second oil crisis. He was fortunate in that
under his watch the economy was able to benefit from both a cyclical recovery
AND a collapse in oil prices. As inflation fell so too did interest rates,
encouraging growth and starting a bull run in bond markets that lasted 35 years
(assuming it did indeed end after November's election).
Trump on the other hand inherits an
economy that may be at the end of a long period of growth. Even if the growth
has not always been terribly robust, this period of expansion has lasted seven
years, much longer than the average upturn. Wages are rising, there is little
slack in the economy and worryingly at a time of ultra-low interest rates there
has been very little capital expenditure -- in other words,
investment -- which means that productivity is low.
Back to 1981, and high levels of
unemployment meant that the economy was able to grow faster than potential for
an extended period without incurring inflation. (NOTE 1 : Potential GDP is
the level of output that an economy can produce at a constant inflation rate) .
Mr Trump by contrast faces an economy at or near full employment and risks both
an increasing output gap and a jump in inflation. (NOTE 2 : Output Gap
....the difference between actual GDP and potential GDP). Nor is he
likely to have the benefit of a marked fall in the price of oil, although the
re-entry of his much-favoured shale companies as market players might at least
keep a cap on prices.
Another issue which presents Donald Trump
with a problem that his celebrated predecessor did not have to contend with is
that of debt. Reaganomics will always be associated with deeply escalating
levels of public debt, which in the short-term at least is surely what Mr
Trump's policies will also produce. The difference is that gross public debt
today is already at 105% of GDP before Mr Trump even gets started, more than
double what Mr Reagan left behind in 1989. And with corporates also having
gorged themselves on debt during the period of ultra-low rates to indulge in
share buybacks and M & As (but crucially not in investment), the danger is
that this issue of debt could blow-up in Mr Trump's face .
What seems certain is that Mr Trump will
NOT face any of the deflationary worries of recent years. The US will not be
going down the Japan route. Mr Plender's question is whether the
market is taking the danger of inflation seriously enough, especially if Mr
Trump implements protectionist measures to match his belligerent rhetoric. He
points out that although a strong dollar does effectively tighten monetary
conditions, this is offset by the fact that real interest rates remain negative
and therefore add stimulus. (NOTE 3 : Real Interest Rates = Nominal interest
rates minus inflation).
Bond markets will be the measure of how
well the incoming administration deal with the growth / inflation / interest
rate conundrum. What Mr Trump will have to encourage is a smooth transition
from bull market to bear market, which is not easy at the best of times. He'll
have to avoid sharp rises in interest rates and bond yields, and to do so he'll
probably have to keep a lid on his more ill-considered rhetoric --
not something he is known for. Otherwise, and with debt levels so high,
any crisis in the bond markets will spell big trouble not just for market
participants but the whole economy.
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